“Rebuilding the political center may require a change to the system
AN IMPORTANT and troubling new study from the Pew Research
Center confirms what has long been evident to observers of American
politics: Ideological polarization and partisan conflict are deeper now than
they have been for at least two decades. Liberals and conservatives are both
more committed to their respective worldviews than they were 20 years ago, and
the Republican and Democratic parties increasingly consist of ideological
activists. Perhaps the most striking finding is that roughly half of each
party’s donors revile the opposition as “a threat to the nation’s well-being.”
The country’s deepening political divide is reflected in Congress: As recently
as 1994, Pew reports, 12 senators and representatives had voting records that
placed them between their respective chamber’s most liberal Republican and the
most conservative Democrat. Today, there is no such overlap.
Still, there was a genuine silver lining in the otherwise
dark Pew
report. Though shrinking, the American political middle is bigger
than the extremes. Some 39 percent of the electorate expresses a mixture of
views on major issues, down from 49 percent in 2004 but larger than either the
34 percent whose views are mostly or consistently liberal or the 27 percent who
are mostly or consistently conservative. And except for the purest liberals and
conservatives, a majority of the country favors “50-50” compromise between
President Obama and Republicans.
In short, while the extremes produce the sound and fury
in U.S. politics, a large but latent market for moderation remains to be
tapped. At some point, less ideological, more pragmatic voters will make their
voices heard, and politicians will arise in response — or so one hopes.
The problem is that the dominant incentives in our
political system favor the purists of left and right. Prominent among these is
a congressional apportionment process that divides the population into reliably
red or blue districts. Yet the Pew survey produces evidence that even an end to
gerrymandering might not curb polarization, since liberal and conservative
Americans increasingly say that they would rather live among ideologically
similar people. This political “Big Sort,” identified by journalist Bill Bishopin a 2008 book of that title, may be beyond
reversing by such oft-proposed remedies as nonpartisan primaries or
redistricting commissions.
Rebuilding the
political center might require more radical measures, such as the revival of at-large or multi-member congressional
districts, which used to be common in many states but which were
effectively outlawed by Congress in 1967 in favor of single-member districts.
Such districts would have many potential pitfalls, not the least of which would
be their compatibility with the Voting Rights Act. They would also have a
potential advantage, which would be to empower less-ideological voters who feel
left out of the current system. Any move in this direction would require an act
of Congress, preceded by plenty of thought and planning. For lawmakers who are,
after all, products of the existing machinery, that’s asking a lot — but not
too much if they truly care about the country’s dangerous political drift.”
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